Monday, 7 June 2021

TODAY'S LEGAL KNOWLEDGE


07.06.2021
*سپریم کورٹ، ہائی کورٹ اور ہائی کورٹ کے ماتحت تمام کورٹ اور ٹریبونل اب آن لائن نشر کئے جائیں گے*

*سپریم کورٹ ای - کمیٹی نے جاری کیا ڈرافٹ لائیو اسٹریمنگ رول*

اب عام شہریان بھی عدالت میں ہونے والی تمام کاروائیاں، بحث و جرح دیکھ پائیں گے. سواپنیل ترپاٹھی کیس جس میں سپریم کورٹ نے عدالتی کاروائی کو عوام و خواص کے لئے لائیو دکھانے کی حامی بھری تھی، اس کے تقریباً تین سال بعد لائیو اسٹریمنگ کے مجوزہ قواعد عدالت نے جاری کئے ہیں. ان قواعد میں عوام سے مزید مشورے بھی طلب کئے گئے ہیں جو ٣٠ جون تک بھیجے جا سکتے ہیں.

مجوزہ قواعد کے مطابق عدالتی کارروائی کی لائیو اسٹریمنگ ١٠ منٹ تاخیر سے شروع ہوگی. اس کے علاوہ بہت سارے مقدمات مثلاً فیمیلی، عصمت دری، انتہائی ذاتی مقدمات، نا بالغ بچوں سے متعلق یا ایسے مقدمات جن سے سماج میں تشدد کا امکان ہو، ایسے مقدمات نشر نہیں کئے جائیں گے. باقاعدہ نشریات کب سے شروع ہوں گی، اس کے لئے علیحدہ عدالتوں کی جانب سے اعلانات کئے جائیں گے. 

Tuesday, 1 June 2021

TODAY'S LEGAL ‎KNOWLEDGE ‎


مرکزی وزیر قانون روی شنکر پرساد کے پیش کردہ اعداد و شمار کے مطابق یکم مئی 2021 کو،

 سپریم کورٹ میں زیر التواء مقدمات کی تعداد 67898 ہے۔

ستمبر 2020 تک ملک بھر میں تمام 25 ہائی کورٹ میں زیر التواء مقدمات کی تعداد 58 لاکھ ہے ،

 یکم مئی 2021 تک ضلعی عدالتوں میں 3.3 کروڑ سے زیادہ زیر التواء مقدمات ہیں۔

گزشتہ سال کے اعداد و شمار کے مقابلے نئے اعدادوشمار میں 10 فیصد سے لے کر 20.4 فیصد تک زیرالتوا مقدمات کی تعداد میں اضافہ ہوا ہے. 

Sunday, 30 May 2021

LEGAL ‎AWARENESS ‎BY ‎ADVOCATE ‎MUSADDIQUE ‎MUJEEB



لاک ڈاؤن آرڈرز جیسے ماسک لگانا، آپس میں دو گز فاصلہ رکھنا، گھر سے باہر نکلنا، ایسے احکامات کی خلاف ورزی کے پاداش میں پولس کی بے تحاشا پٹائی کے واقعات متواتر دیکھنے میں آتے ہیں.

مدھیہ پردیش ہائی کورٹ نے 24 مئی 2021 کو ایک اہم فیصلہ دیا اور کہا کہ لاک ڈاؤن احکامات کی خلاف ورزی کرنے پر عوام کو مار پیٹ کا نشانہ نہیں بنایا جاسکتا. یہ فیصلہ گزشتہ دنوں اندور شہر کے وائرل ویڈیو جس میں دو پولس والے ایک رکشہ ڈرائیور کو اس کے چھوٹے بچے کی موجودگی میں ماسک نا لگانے پر پیٹ رہے تھے، اس معاملہ اور اسی طرح کے کئی معاملات کے تناظر میں دیا گیا.

Sunday, 8 November 2020

RISING PENDENCY OF CASES…JUSTICE DELAYED IS JUSTICE DENIED!

 


In India, majority of citizens are in a state of uncertainty qua approaching judiciary to claim their constitutional and statutory rights. Ground level facts, hearsay, observations and unpleasant experiences compel restrain upon ordinary citizen from turning to judiciary. The growing number of pending cases in courts, unsatisfactory number of lawyers and judges, years-long litigation and rising costs are enough to scare everyone. Ordinary men are reluctant to go to court and prefer to settle upon conciliatory measures or forced compromises. A magnifying looks at official statistics of pending cases and the progress of the pending cases provide a good idea of ​​the existing judiciary and justice disposal system.

Famous Supreme Court Judge DY Chandrachud J. recently in May 2020 while speaking at NALSAR organized webinar presented the National Judicial Data Report. According to the report, in May 2020, a total of 32.45 million cases are pending in different courts across the country. 10% of these cases have been pending for more than 10 years. Out of the total number, 9045000 cases are civil matters while 23390000 cases are criminal matters. 32% of the total cases are pending for less than a year. 28% of cases are pending for one to three years. 15% of cases have been pending for three to five years. 15.28% of cases are pending for five to ten years. 7.1% of cases have been pending for ten to twenty years and1.28% of the cases are pending for twenty to thirty years. The share of cases pending for more than 30 years is 0.26%.

To deal with such a large number of pending cases, there are only 8230 court buildings across the country with only 19794 judges rendering duties therein.

Recently, Union Law Minister Ravi Shankar Prasad said in a program that so far more than 2.5 million cases have been heard through online courts in Lockdown, out of which the Supreme Court has heard 9000 cases. The Union Law Minister did not specify whether the figures contain a single hearing of the cases or final hearing and disposals thereof.

In response to Question No. 1827 asked jointly by five Members of Parliament in the recently conducted session of the Lok Sabha, the Ministry of Law and Justice provided details of pending cases in all the High Courts of the country. A total of 5152921 cases are pending in the 25 High Courts of the country till September 2020 out of which 3677089 are civil cases and 1475832 are criminal cases. A total of 279927 cases are pending in the Mumbai High Court alone.

Under the able guidance of Honourable Justice Chandrachud, steps are undertaken to widen scope of online hearings in courts during pandemic and all High Courts and Sub-Courts have also been directed to ensure implementation of online courts system. In an online lecture, Justice Chandrachud hinted that the use of technology would be beneficial for the judiciary and that the system would be extended beyond the pandemic to cut out burden of pending cases.

As a result of these guidelines and measures, almost all the High Courts of the country have started converting case records into soft copy and scanned images. While millions of papers have been scanned in several high courts of the country, the Mumbai High Court is yet to begin the process due to unavailability of requisite software.

Given the growing use of science and technology, it is safe to say that even after the pandemic, the system of widened online courts will continue to be beneficial for categories of cases. However, the number of pending cases and the relative number of courts and judges is alarming. Beyond these, promoting justice through a legally established extra-judicial system is need of the hour.

Individual citizens are also capacitated to contribute in shredding some burden of pendency by choosing not to immediately turn to judiciary. Alternate Dispute Resolution shall attract extreme preference. For Muslims, there are Quranic advices to peacefully seek resolution in disputes. In Surah An-Nisa ', verse 128 of the Qur'an, it is indicated that it is better to settle the matters by mutual consent and it is better to make peace. In addition, the Qur'an and the hadiths mention the inculcation of patience and its rewards. Thus it is advisable first to try to reconcile the parties and if there is any shortcoming during the reconciliation, then be patient but do not turn to litigation. Achieving justice in a democratic judiciary requires a lot of time and money. In this fashion, everyone may contribute in reducing burden of pending cases and reconcile without piling up more matters before the judiciary.

In addition, promoting alternate dispute resolution in the form of religiously acclaimed institutions would significantly reduce burden of pendency particularly qua family law and inheritance matters. Darul Qaza is one amongst such institutions which contains systematic procedure to resolve disputes. Darul Qaza system consists of easy public relations and decision making in a short period of time. It can provide easy and cheap justice to the people at very low cost and in a short period of time provided it is given legal sanction and powers needless to say subjected to appeal to judiciary. The image of Darul Qaza, in general, has been somewhat distorted. It is common perception that the Darul Qaza is merely an institution of issuing fatwas and pronouncing Islamic punishments. However, Darul Qaza is a complete extra-judicial system which would be quiet effective in matters of marriage, divorce, property and inheritance. As the usefulness of Lok Adalat and Family Court is increasing, of course, the usefulness of Darul Qaza will also be conceived after its experience and the burden of courts will be lessened and access to justice will be cheaper and easier.

Wednesday, 29 August 2018

DECIDING ISSUE OF JURISDICTION IS NOT INTERFERENCE WITH SHARIAH LAW




The Bombay High Court by judgment pronounced on 2nd August 2018, has decided the issue of jurisdiction of civil courts while dealing with Muslim matrimonial disputes more particularly when the issues of maintenance and Maher are prayed in the relief and both parties had submitted to jurisdiction of lower courts.

Justice Shalini Phansalkar Joshi, while deciding the case Adnan Chara v. Farhat Adnan, upheld the decisions of lower courts whereby the lower courts had decided the issues in favour of wife.

In the year 2013, one Smt. Farhat Adnan, resident of Navi Mumbai had filed a special civil suit in Civil Court, Thane, against her husband Shri Adnan Chara seeking divorce under section 2 of the Dissolution of Muslim Marriages Act, 1939 on the ground of cruelty. In the same application, the wife had also sought for return of ‘Maher Amount’; maintenance for her two minor children and half share in the flat jointly owned by spouses. The Joint Civil Judge, Senior Division conducted full trial and decided the issues in favour of wife. The husband preferred an appeal before District Judge, Thane and failed to turn the judgment in his favour. Therefore, the husband, by way of second appeal came before the High Court stating that the lower courts exceeded its jurisdiction and the issues falls within domain of family courts as set up and specially provided under special statutes.

The judgment pronounced by the High Court misreported in print media without understanding the judgment in its wholeness thereby misleading masses. Reports circulated on social media also raised eyebrows of clergies since it was giving an insinuation the judgment is in conflict with Shariah laws pertaining to maintenance, Maher and claiming rights in the property of husband by wife as a claim of Maher. 

The All India Muslim Personal Board has also released a statement dated 06.08.2018 clarifying the position of Shariah laws on the issues involved in the judgment besides reserving their comments subject to proper advice from the legal cell of All India Muslim Personal Law Board.

Several preconceived and misguiding reports are widely being spread stating that by virtue of judgment pronounced by the Bombay High Court, the lower courts have acquired jurisdiction of fixing quantum of Maher and the court may satisfy the claim of Maher out of personal property of the husband. However, the High Court has never had occasion to adjudicate upon any such issue. The Learned High Court Judge merely framed a single question for its adjudication that whether in a suit filed under section 2 of the Dissolution of Muslim Marriages Act, 1939, the Civil Court was competent to grant the reliefs in respect of maintenance of the children and matrimonial property of the parties, for which other statutory enactments and the other forums are available. It was purely a debate on the issue of jurisdiction especially when both the parties had submitted to civil court during whole trial and first appeal without making any whisper of jurisdiction at lower stages.

In the judgment, the Ld. Judge has observed that when the objection to the jurisdiction of the trial Court to entertain and grant such reliefs is not raised either before the trial Court or even in the First Appellate Court, this Court in the Second Appeal cannot entertain such objection, as it is too late in a day to do so, because after subjecting himself to the jurisdiction of the trial Court and contesting the suit and the First Appeal also on merits, now as the certain reliefs granted by the Courts below are against him, the Appellant is raising this contention for the first time and therefore, such contention needs to be rejected outrightly.

There is no whisper of Maher in the judgment since the husband pressed no grievance on the issue of Maher and he had already returned the Maher amount to the wife. The court further noted that the only grievance of the husband was regarding relief of maintenance to children and in respect of granting share to the wife in the jointly owned flat.

On the issue of the joint property of the husband and wife, it was on record that the lower courts had considered the evidence led by both the parties and had come to the conclusion that the wife had also contributed money for the purchase of a flat and that the flat was purchased in joint name and therefore accepted the wife’s contention that she is also entitled to what she has contributed in purchase of the flat and the necessary orders were passed.

Shariah law on the issues of Maher, maintenance and claims in matrimonial properties are well settled and duly recognized by the Indian Courts. Under the Shariah law, Maher is mutually decided by the spouses. The wife enjoys right to suggest/fix Maher as per her choices. Even if it is not decided at the time of marriage, then the amount of Maher fixed for women of her paternal house shall be fixed for her as Maher-e-Misal which shall be payable to her by the husband.

Interestingly, the Ld. Judge of the Bombay High Court emphasised on the point that when the parties have never objected to jurisdiction during trial and appeal at lower stages, then in matrimonial proceedings, all disputes relating to the parties are as far as possible, required to be brought under one umbrella and one forum instead of driving the parties to various forums. It is now well settled principal of law that the jurisdiction of a Court created specifically for resolution of disputes of certain kinds should be construed liberally.

The whole judgment therefore makes no interference with any principle of shariah law. The judgment should be welcomed as it facilitates Muslim women to claim rights available to her under diverse civil/matrimonial laws at one forum and she is not made to approach different courts to obtain reliefs under the provisions of diverse laws relating to matrimonial reliefs.

Tuesday, 20 June 2017

Triple Talaq and Abandoned women...Comparative analysis


What do you think?
Is the Muslim women's condition in India pathetic as portrayed by media houses and the Government? Are Muslim women socially and financially extremely vulnerable as cried out by politicians who happen to be standard bearer of humanity? How is their situation compared to their sisters from the Hindu, Christian and other religious communities? Since no credible data was put forth as evidence it is useful to see what the census data tells us.

Census Data 2011
Data from the ‘Marital Status by Religious Community and Sex – 2011’ C3 table of the census provides empirical position of the situation considering all religious groups. 

Principal finding is that the situation of Indian Muslim women seems far better than women from other religious groups.


The percentage of women staying in marriage is highest amongst Muslims (87.8%) compared to Hindus (86.2%), Christians (83.7%) and other religious minorities (85.8%). The percentage of widowed women is least among Muslims (11.1%) compared to Hindus (12.9%), Christians (14.6%) and other religious Minorities (13.3%). It is likely that the culture of widow remarriages provides a higher level of family protection to Muslim women compared to women from other religious communities. 

The percentage of separated and abandoned women is also least amongst the Muslims (0.67%) compared to Hindus (0.69%), Christians (1.19%) and other religious Minorities (0.68%).
The same census data suggests that the divorced women percentage is higher amongst the Muslims at 0.49% and Christians at 0.47% compared to other religious minorities (0.33%) and the Hindus, at 0.22%. The practice of getting a divorce amongst the Hindus is traditionally non-existent. Out of 340 
million ever-married women 9.1 lakhs are divorced and amongst them 2.1 lakhs are Muslims.


Plight of abandoned women

The issues relating to separated and abandoned women are much more serious than that of that of Triple Talaq. As per the census 2011, there are 2.3 million separated and abandoned women in India; in absolute terms, that is more than two times the number of divorced women. There are close to two million Hindu women who are abandoned and separated; this number is 2.8 lakh for Muslims, 0.9 lakh for Christians and 0.8 lakh for other religions.

An estimated 40 million widows can be found in today's India, and the highest concentration of them, currently around 20,000, is in the holy city of Vrindavan. Most of them came a long way from Western Bengala and Bangladesh, to show their love to Krishna in the town where the God is believed to be born. In the crowded city's Ashrams they raise their perpetual psalms, the bhajam, in exchange for rice, bread, and a few rupees. Their meager daily earnings are not enough to buy them better food, and barely cover the rent for their small and damp rooms.

A Vrindavan Nagar Palika survey enumerated 3,105 widows whereas the unofficial figure is estimated to be anywhere between 5,000 and 6,000. These widows are supposed to receive a paltry sum of rupees 150 for a month (Rs.1,800 for a year).

Gauri Rai, a widow, said: "Nobody abuses us inside the Ashram but outside they are always asking. That's why we came the Ashram. We have left our family and home, husband and children. They question our character, but I think that even they cannot help. Such an attitude is now a part of their nature." 

There are women who pretend being happy. Sunanda Haldar, another widow, said: "We sing hymns here and get pulses and rice every day, besides other things that all the women get here. We do not demand much. What else can poor persons like us can ask for? We are satisfied and happy."
Over 50 per cent of these women depend on Bhajan Ashrams and begging for their livelihood. Some of the widows are too old to even cook for themselves. The only mattress they have is pieces of jute sacks. Even after death, there is no institutional support for ornamenting them. Medical help depends on charity and is virtually non-existent.

A survey done by the District Legal Services Authority following an initiative by NALSA ( National Legal Services Authority) found, even the little earmarked (funds) for these widows is received only once in six months. Often, the funds get siphoned off, leaving these women to sing bhajans for Rs.4 a day and beg for a meal. In death, theses women are denied a decent cremation. Their dead bodies are picked up by sweepers in gunny bags, and dumped into the river, after being crudely broken into pieces.

Going by the discussions on television channels it seems all Muslim women are getting instant triple divorce. But then facts are just opposite and speak for themselves. As per the 2011 Census, only 0.49 per cent Muslim women were divorcees and all of them have not been given triple divorce. Though fatwas are nothing more than opinions and do not have any legal sanctity yet they do give us some indication about the legal problems on which Muslims seek opinion of the clergy.

To find out prevalence of triple divorce, data from Darul iftaa (institutions which issue fatwas) is of importance to be evaluated. The data from ten states revealed that in last one year 340,206 fatwas were sought. Of which only 6.50 per cent fatwas were asked about triple divorce. 
The Supreme Court had refused to ban Darul Qaza (Sharia courts) rejecting the plea of them being parallel judicial forum. The apex court had rightly termed them as mere arbitration councils. Data from 33 such councils collected by Dr. Faizan Mustafa too reveals that these councils never grant triple divorce and divorce is permitted only through one pronouncement preceded by efforts of reconciliation through arbitration. Such institutions are mostly used by the Muslim women for either getting divorce or annulment or cancellation of marriage as getting settlements from such forums is speedier and cost-effective.

Wrong impression

A wrong impression has been created that most Muslim women are getting triple divorces through phone, email and via SMS. Even according to Bharatiya Muslim Mahila Andolan's (BMAA) case study on triple divorce only one divorce out of 117 was given in this manner. As per BMMA's own findings, only 0.2 per cent got divorces on phone, just 0.6 per cent received divorce through email. Similarly, in another survey by BMMA, out of 521 divorces, only one woman got triple divorce via SMS that is, only 0.19 per cent. Thus the problem is not as serious as is made out.
As per the current law laid down by the apex court in Shamim Ara's Case in 2002, Muslim divorce has to be for a reasonable cause and must be preceded by efforts of reconciliation through arbitration. The Supreme Court has also held that three pronouncements will be counted as only one revocable divorce. Thus instant triple divorce no more dissolves marriage, except in cases of divorce by mutual consent and divorce at the initiative of the wife or exercise of right to divorce by her where such a right has been delegated to her by the husband at the time of marriage. 

Data on divorce

· Darul Iftaa data from 10 states revealed that that in last one year 340,206 fatwas were sought. Of     which only 6.50 per cent fatwas were asked about triple divorce.
· According to Bharatiya Muslim Mahila Andolan's (BMAA) case study on triple divorce, only one divorce out of 117 was given in this manner. 
· As per BMMA's findings, only 0.2 per cent got divorces on phone, just 0.6 per cent received divorce through email. 
· In another survey, out of 521 divorces only one woman got triple divorce via SMS that is only 0.19 per cent.




References 
Massimiliano Clausi, ”Women of Vrindavan” available at https://www.lensculture.com/articles/massimiliano-clausi-women-of-vrindavan 
Brajesh Kumar Singh, “Women in Vrindavan have no one but Lord Krishna for help” availableat http://www.andhranews.net/India/2007/August/3-Women-Vrindavan-10510.asp 
Rina Mukherji, “Why don’t the Vrindavan Widows Stay at Home?” available at http://www.womensweb.in/2014/10/why-the-widows-stay-in-vrindavan/ 
Faizan Mustafa, “Triple talaq-myths and misperceptions” published in “The Tribune” 28/4/17 
Articles of Abu Saleh Sahriff and Syed Khalid

Friday, 6 January 2017

CONSTITUTIONAL MORALITY: Dr. Ambedkar's Vision


Constituent Assembly Debate and Conceptual Perspective:

Dr. Ambedkar used the phrase ‘constitutional morality’ in his speech ‘The Draft Constitution’, delivered on 4 November 1948 in the context of defending the decision to include the structure of the administration in the Constitution, where he quoted George Grote as under,

“The diffusion of ‘constitutional morality’, not merely among the majority of any community, but throughout the whole is the indispensable condition of a government at once free and peaceable; since even any powerful and obstinate minority may render the working of a free institution impracticable, without being strong enough to conquer ascendance for themselves.”

What did Grote mean by ‘constitutional morality’? Ambedkar quotes Grote again:


By constitutional morality, Grote meant… a paramount reverence for the forms of the constitution, enforcing obedience to authority and acting under and within these forms, yet combined with the habit of open speech, of action subject only to definite legal control, and unrestrained censure of those very authorities as to all their public acts combined, too with a perfect confidence in the bosom of every citizen amidst the bitterness of party contest that the forms of constitution will not be less sacred in the eyes of his opponents than his own.

In Grote’s rendition, ‘constitutional morality’ had a meaning different from two meanings commonly attributed to the phrase. In contemporary usage, constitutional morality has come to refer to the substantive content of a constitution. To be governed by a constitutional morality is, on this view, to be governed by the substantive moral entailment any constitution carries. For instance, the principle of non-discrimination is often taken to be an element of our modern constitutional morality. In this sense, constitutional morality is the morality of a constitution.

Ambedkar was more familiar with the 19th century provenance of the Constitutional Morality. In this view, constitutional morality refers to the conventions and protocols that govern decision-making where the constitution vests discretionary power or is silent.

Grote’s use of the term was different from Ambedkar’s purposes. Ambedkar was making a series of historical claims about constitutionalism. Like Grote, he had little doubt that constitutional morality was rare. It was not a ‘natural sentiment’. The purpose of Grote’s History of Greece had been, in part, to rescue Athenian democracy from the condescension of its elitist critics like Plato and Thucydides, and argue that Athenian democracy had, even if briefly, achieved elements of a genuine constitutional morality.

For Grote, the central elements of constitutional morality were freedom and self-restraint. Self-restraint was a precondition for maintaining freedom under properly constitutional government. The most political expression of a lack of self-restraint was revolution. Indeed constitutional morality was successful only in so far as it warded off revolution. Ambedkar also takes on the explicitly anti-revolutionary tones of constitutionalism.

The Constitution of India is a living instrument with capabilities of enormous dynamism. It is a Constitution which is made for a progressive society. Working of such Constitution depends upon the prevalent atmosphere and conditions. Dr. Ambedkar had, throughout the Debate, felt that the Constitution can live and grow on the bedrock of Constitutional Morality. Dr. Ambedkar speaking on the same said:

Constitutional Morality is not a natural sentiment. It has to be cultivated. We must realize that our people are yet to learn it. Democracy in India is only a top-dressing on an Indian soil, which is essentially undemocratic.

The principle of constitutional morality basically means to bow down to the norms of the Constitution and not to act in a manner which would become violative of the rule of law or reflectible of action in an arbitrary manner. It actually works at the fulcrum and guides as a laser beam in institution building. The traditions and conventions have to grow to sustain the value of such a morality. The democratic values survive and become successful where the people at large and the persons-in-charge of the institution are strictly guided by the constitutional parameters without paving the path of deviancy and reflecting in action the primary concern to maintain institutional integrity and the requisite constitutional restraints. Commitment to the Constitution is a facet of constitutional morality. In this context, the following passage is of an interesting recourse.

If men were angels, no government would be necessary. If angels were to govern men, neither external nor internal controls on government would be necessary. In framing a government which is to be administered by men over men, the great difficulty lies in this: you must first enable the government to control the governed; and in the next place oblige it to control itself. A dependence on the people is, no doubt, the primary control on the government; but experience has taught mankind the necessity of auxiliary precautions.

Therefore, it would not be out of place to state that institutional respectability and adoption of precautions for the sustenance of the Constitutional values would include reverence for the Constitutional structure. It is always profitable to remember the famous line of Laurence H. Tribe that a Constitution is "written in blood, rather that ink".

In a democratic order the concept of constitutional morality and judicial values assume several dimensions and implies several consequences to the dignity and freedom of the individual. Constitutional morality means adherence to the core principles of the constitutional democracy. In Dr. Ambedkar’s perspective, Constitutional morality would mean an effective coordination between conflicting interests of different people and the administrative cooperation to resolve the amicably without any confrontation amongst the various groups working for the realization of their ends at any cost . For Ambedkar, moral fabric of the society, governed and the governance must be strong. In other words, public conscience, moral order and constitutional morality- ethics of politicians, that constitute the core of policy making, must be very sound and strong if democracy is to survive for the long period of progress and prosperity for the common people. Thus the scope of the definition of Constitutional Morality is not limited only to following the constitutional provisions literally but vast enough to ensure the ultimate aim of the Constitution, a socio-juridical scenario providing an opportunity to unfold the full personhood of every citizen, for whom and by whom the Constitution exists.

Legal Perspective:


Suresh Kumar Koushal and Anr vs. NAZ Foundation and Ors. (2013)

This case was one among most controversial cases in the history of Indian judiciary. It involved the clash between public morality and the constitutional morality. The matter went in appeal before the Supreme Court. The Supreme Court noted that the High Court discussed the question whether morality can be a ground for imposing restriction on fundamental rights, referring to the judgments in Gobind v. State of Madhya Pradesh and Anr. (1975) 2 SCC 148. The words of Dr. Ambedkar quoting Grotius while moving the Draft Constitution, Granville Austin in his treatise "The Indian Constitution - Cornerstone of A Nation", the Wolfenden Committee Report, 172nd Law Commission of India Report, the address of the Solicitor General of India before United Nations Human Rights Council, the opinion of Justice Michael Kirby, former Judge of the Australian High Court stated that,

Thus popular morality or public disapproval of certain acts is not a valid justification for restriction of the fundamental rights under Article 21. Popular morality, as distinct from a constitutional morality derived from constitutional values, is based on shifting and subjecting notions of right and wrong. If there is any type of "morality" that can pass the test of compelling state interest, it must be "constitutional" morality and not public morality.

In this case the learned Advocate Solicitor General contended that public morality of homosexual conduct might open floodgates of delinquent behavior is not founded upon any substantive material, even from such jurisdictions where sodomy laws have been abolished. Insofar as basis of this argument is concerned, as pointed out by Wolfenden Committee, it is often no more than the indignation, howsoever strong, is not a valid basis for overriding individuals' fundamental rights of dignity and privacy. In the scheme of things, constitutional morality must outweigh the argument of public morality, even if it be the view of the majority.

Consequently, the Supreme Court was unable to accept the stand of the Union of India that there is a need for retention of Section 377 of Indian Penal Code to cover consensual sexual acts between adults in private on the ground of public morality.

The Supreme Court Advocates on Record Association and Ors v. UOI (2015)

The five Judges bench while discussing the matter posed questions that we the members of the judiciary exult and frolic in our emancipation from the other two organs of the State. But have we developed an alternate constitutional morality to emancipate us from the theory of checks and balances, robust enough to keep us in control from abusing such independence? Have we really outgrown the malady of dependence or merely transferred it from the political to judicial hierarchy? Are we nearing such ethical and constitutional disorder that frightened civil society runs back to Mother Nature or some other less wholesome authority to discipline us? 

Manoj Narula vs Union of India (2014) 

Democracy, which has been best defined as the Government of the People, by the People and for the People, expects prevalence of genuine orderliness, positive propriety, dedicated discipline and sanguine sanctity by constant affirmance of constitutional morality which is the pillar stone of good governance. 

Niranjan Hemchandra Sashittal and Anr. vs State of Maharashtra (2013)

The Appex court observed that it can be stated without any fear of contradiction that corruption is not to be judged by degree, for corruption mothers disorder, destroys societal will to progress, accelerates undeserved ambitions, kills the conscience, jettisons the glory of the institutions, paralyses the economic health of a country, corrodes the sense of civility and mars the marrows of governance. it is worth noting that immoral acquisition of wealth destroys the energy of the people believing in honesty, and history records with agony how they have suffered. the only redeeming fact is that collective sensibility respects such suffering as it is in consonance with the constitutional morality.

Mr. Parasaran, the amicus curiae in the above mentioned case has drawn distinction between the two concepts, namely, constitutional morality and constitutional propriety on one hand and ethical acceptability on the other and, in that regard, he was on the point that the advice of the Prime Minister, as has been stated by the framers of the Constitution, to the Head of the Executive for appointment of a Minister should conform to the standards of constitutional morality, regards being had to the constitutional norms, democratic polity and the sanctity of democracy. Mr. Parasaran was the view that the framers of the Constitution have bestowed immense trust on the Prime Minister as would be seen from the Constitutional Debates, and, therefore, this Court should reiterate the principle of constitutional trust and that would be a suggestive one.

Constitutional Morality vis-à-vis Judicial Values: 


Upholding Constitutional morality and judicial values is indispensable to ensure an individual his inalienable fundamental rights in the process of dispensing justice. But in the modern days there has been a precipitate diminution of admiration and a sharp erosion of the constitutional and judicial values which ought to actuate the administration of justice. Keeping the morality of the constitution or preserving, perfecting, and perpetuating it, has evolved as the greatest challenge for the contemporary States in the twenty first century.

Diligence, in the broad sense, is concerned with carrying out judicial duties with skill, care and attention, as well as with reasonable promptness. The constitutional umpires can’t always browse through the Articles for solutions to the constitutional deadlocks; they should be guided by the spirit of the constitution, political morality and democratic ethics. Independent and fearless judiciary is primarily responsible for retention of the parliamentary democracy, protection of constitutional values and fundamental rights of the people.

The implications of Constitutional Morality without Judicial Values and judicial values without Constitutional Morality are equally absurd. Constitutional Morality is a sentiment to be cultivated in the minds of a responsible citizen but to be promoted by an independent judiciary embodied with values and ethics. Where judicial diligence is absent and judicial integrity is questioned Constitutional Morality cannot be upheld. The fruits of the morality of Constitution are enjoyed where the people can come to the courts to redress their grievances, and it is pertinent to note that it is not only important they are heard, but it is important, they believe they have been heard. Constitutional morality and judicial values are both inextricably entangled to deliver justice to the sovereign mandate. Morality envisaged in the constitution is meaningful when it’s judiciously protected for the welfare of the people. The judiciary being the custodian of Indian constitution is entrusted with obligation to incorporate judicial values in its undertakings to ensure the achievement of constitutional goals. To uphold the majesty of law and constitution for the public interests the constitutional morality shall be complemented and supplemented by the judicial values.

Constitutional Morality and Judicial Values with reference to Preamble:


India, the largest democratic sovereign State has a Constitutional vision of justice which is lucid and lucent and its mission, committed towards people’s values. The Preamble spells out its pledge of justice, social, economic and political and We, the people of India are the beneficiaries of a Socialist, Secular and Democratic order. Constitutional morality and judicial values are both inextricably entangled to deliver justice to the sovereign mandate. Morality envisaged in the constitution is meaningful when it’s judiciously protected for the welfare of the people. The judiciary being the custodian of Indian constitution is entrusted with obligation to incorporate judicial values in its undertakings to ensure the achievement of constitutional goals. Ever since it’s inception the country witnessed the emergence of judiciary from a weak organ of the State to the most powerful instrument, with its judicial creativity, justly handcuffing the elements that are detrimental to Constitutional morality and judicial values. The founding father of our Constitution, Dr.B.R.Ambedkar warned the nation in its burgeoning stage itself the significance of strong adherence to the morality of the Constitution and judicial values.

Conclusion:

The notion of Constitutional Morality is not an isolated concept but carries several values tagged along. Dr. Ambedkar alone threw immense emphasis on the concept pertaining to its usage while understanding the law and in order to deliver justice. Constitutional Morality when evaluated with judicial values and the phraseology of the preamble on equal footing, given more accurate understanding. The Supreme Court and various subordinate courts when confronted with constitutional morality against public morality always gave prevalence to prior notion. However, the Courts deviated from restricting the notion within the boundaries of definition and discussed the case in hand on the basis of assumption of inclusive definition of constitutional morality. Therefore, while interpreting the law, it is of highest obligation to keep in mind the notion of constitutional morality in order to sustain equality, equality before the law, reasonable restriction and other significant concepts of the Constitution of India besides ensuring that the weak is not suppressed by the stronger. With strong backing of law, weak may prevail over the stronger.